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The Development of Consumer Rights in the United States Slowed by the Power of Corporate Political Contributions and LobbyingBy Richard AlexanderClassical economic theory holds that buyers and sellers are equal in rights, responsibilities and power. To be equal means that the consumer must not only be well informed, but also be able to exercise and enforce legal rights, and have the benefit of laws will that protect the consumer from abuse by sellers and manufacturers. While it is true that consumers as a group have the potential to influence the market with their buying decisions, individual buyers have no such power and sellers in large part control the modern market through domination and control of the legislative process, the pace of appellate judicial decisions, executive rule-making, and media markets. The development of consumer protection statutes in the United States clearly demonstrates the immense political power of American corporations to slow and stifle the advancement of consumer rights by precluding the adoption of common sense laws for decades through the legalized influence peddling that passes for the American political process. First, through lobbying and industry political contributions, the rules of the legal game are written by industry insiders, lobbyists, and political contributors in the back rooms of Congress and legislatures across the U.S. Citizen groups have little political influence because they cannot compete financially with Political Action Committees controlled by major corporations and industry associations and only have the power of public disclosure to counter-balance the significant control that business has over the legislative drafting process. Second, the average consumer does not have the foggiest idea of the administrative law process in the U.S. where substantial laws are written by government agencies which have been delegated the power to micro-manage specific subjects, such as automobile safety [National Highway Traffic Safety Administration], pesticides [Environmental Protection Agency] and pharmaceuticals [Food and Drug Administration]. These agencies engaged in sophisticated rule making that takes places over long periods of time and which requires the highest level of sophistication. The administrative law process of giving notice of proposed rule making, comments, hearings and later court challenges to contest the scope of governmental rules and regulations results in substantial power to those who can stay the course and dedicate the time and resources to the process, i.e. corporate law departments, industry associations and industry lobbyists. Third, corporate America has the resources and staying power to take legal action to delay the implementation of both new rules and to contest the application of those rules well beyond the ability of any average person. For example, when EPA challenged Dow and other major pesticide manufacturers in the early 1970s to halt the production of 2,4 D and 2,4,5 TP, pesticides known to have been contaminated with deadly dioxins and furans, the industry fought administrative proceedings for nearly six years before voluntarily quitting - once its supply of in-house product had been sold and shelves cleared by sending the goods outside of the country. This delaying action was taken even though DOW's own research showed that other chlorinated pesticides were so contaminated by the manufacturing process that its own workers developed signs of chemical toxicity in the form of chloracne and the company itself reformulated its pentachlorophenol product, Dowicide 7, and renamed it Dowicide EC-7 [extra clean] after the Michigan legislature had ruled the use of Dowicide 7 illegal in Dow's home state. Fourth, the general negligence and product liability laws of most states do not protect consumers from defective products except in cases where, after the fact, the product has caused injury or death. Suing a corporate manufacturer for selling defective products in the absence of injury requires proof of fraud, deception in the sale, or breach of warranties. The terms and conditions of warranties are set at a minimum base level by the Uniform Commercial Code which has been adopted by all states but beyond that set of promises all manufacturers limit any additional obligations to consumers. Fifth, the economics of litigation provide corporations and large multi-national companies with overwhelming advantages in controlling the development of appellate decisions that influence and control the authority and power of trial courts. Because corporations have a perpetual stake in the development of the law they readily take appeals when it suits their business purpose. Individuals on the other hand only take appeals when they can afford to do so and when they must. The absence of civil public advocates for consumer interests as friends of the court is reflected in a distinct pro-corporate bias in the law. Sixth, secret settlements and "gag" orders imposed as a condition of settlements limit the public's knowledge of what products are dangerous. Under federal law certain defective products that cause injuries and result in settlements must be reported to the Consumer Product Safety Commission, but this statute has limited application to consumer, toys and household goods. On the plus side one state provides consumers with a set of valuable legal rights, namely California's Consumer Legal Remedies Act which has yet to be adopted by other states or by the United States government. The CLRA provides valuable consumer protections and, equally important, special legal procedures to expedite the court's ability to order consumer relief when there are abuses with a minimum of legal complications. Consumer advocates have sought to raise the consciousness of consumers and to create a body of law to protect consumers but public advocates suffering from minimal funding have had a much lesser impact than the corporate lobbyists. In large part the development of law by Congress, state legislatures, administrative governmental offices at the federal and state level and the courts has been orchestrated and controlled by multi-national corporations, who write the rules of the game and the only times when consumers are successful is when the power of an idea is so overwhelming that not even the most jaded politician can vote against the public interest on an issue that has attained high public visibility. The strongest tools employed by consumers include lobbying, publicity by consumer organizations and class action lawsuits, an extremely powerful tool for correcting cases of consumer abuse that is much hated by American business, in which the private bar serves as private prosecutors of corporate wrongdoing under the control of trial court judges. On the other side of the ledger, public relations techniques are effectively used by corporations to maintain the ability of the corporation to plausibly deny reality or to develop "science" that aids and abets corporate profiteering. For example, Dow Chemical Company has exploited "research findings" influenced, controlled or funded by breast implant manufacturers to develop a base of questionable data upon which to claim that silicon breast implants are safe. These studies are "low powered" epidemiological studies which in rigorous scientific circles are recognized as having limited value. They are the equivalent of using opera glasses to look for the moons of distant plants and then claim that there are no moons of Jupiter to be seen with such devices, which is absolutely true, but which at the same time can be readily contradicted by the use of a precision telescope designed and capable of spotting such distant celestial objects. American tobacco companies have been grossly successful in buying time from being outlawed. Thousands of Americans die annually from tobacco-related illnesses, and cigarettes are the cause, which is not disputed by the federal government and medical professionals. Yet cigarettes are successfully sold at great profit because the companies have funded "research" to create a false controversy about the health implications of tobacco which gives them the "cover" to claim that the evidence against tobacco is not conclusive. Others have labeled this phenomenon as "cigarette science." - clearly science in name only that advances industry profits at the expense of the public and consumers. The U.S. consumer movement that came to blossom in the 1960s has its foundation in the development of the common law which first recognized in the 1950s a new and significant legal doctrine in cases of personal injury caused by defective products. Product liability law, first known as strict liability in tort, was the first significant recognition that when mass produced products are used in normal fashion and failure to perform as expected or when they are designed in such a fashion as to be unreasonably dangerous, a injured person need not prove that the seller was negligent, but instead can hold the seller and manufacturer legally responsible upon a showing that the defective product caused their injury. This legal development was a giant step forward for the average consumer who totally relies on manufacturers in producing a wide range of consumer products. It was from this theoretical foundation that the consumer movement developed. As consumer attorney Ralph Nader noted "the best way to ask society how the economy is doing is to measure the health, safety and economic well-being of consumers." Health, safety and economic well-being became the touchstone of consumerism but it is significant to note that the concepts spring from the common law . Mr. Nader's training as a lawyer and his enunciation of consumerism clearly set forth the common law legal standard that marked safety and health policies underlying injury and death cases caused by defective products. It is this expanded definition of consumerism, well beyond a strict economic value, which includes considerations of health and safety that has become the backbone of consumerism today. In 1962 President John F. Kennedy declared four basic consumer rights which institutionalized and expanded consumer expectations in the United States to include the right to safety, the right to be informed, the right to choose and the right to be heard. While this is clearly a benchmark in the consumer movement, it was not until consumer activists began to have an official role in government as consumer counsel that a public pulpit and allowed the consumer movement to have a legitimate voice and a modern identity. With the growing recognition of consumer rights, the American political system began moving towards developing a statutory framework to address consumer issues. But throughout the process he hallmark of consumer protection laws has been the role of business and industry to impede the adoption of safety standards and to delay advancement of salutary health and safety mandates, often times for decades. As the following partial list shows the rate of adoption of new consumer protection statutes has gained momentum as the pubic has been forced by circumstances to recognize the need to counter-balance the runaway authority and control of large business in the marketplace over largely helpless consumers. Nonetheless, as this partial list shows, the political clout of business and industry has slowed the passage and adoption of safety and consumer protection laws to suit the demands of corporate interests. At virtually every juncture the recognition of consumers rights has been kept at a snail's pace to accommodate the interests of manufacturers and sellers whose political contributions far exceed those of the average voter. There is no better case for the reform of the political campaign funding laws than that evidenced by the controlled development of consumers' protection statutes by American business. 1887
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© Richard Alexander, 1996-2007. Richard Alexander is a specialist in personal injury litigation with 30 years in-depth experience. Emphasizing working relationships with clients has led to an exceptional record of success. He has served as a member of the Board of Governors of The State Bar of California, President of the Santa Clara County Bar Association and the Board of Governors of Consumer Attorneys of California. He is a founding member of the National Association of Consumer Advocates, and heads Alexander Hawes, LLP. Alexander Hawes, LLP is a California law firm that specializes in personal injury, wrongful death, and financial losses caused by negligence, defective products, toxic chemicals, corporate misconduct or insurance fraud on behalf of consumers, small investors, injured workers and small businesses. In addition to individual cases the firm prosecutes class actions for large groups of individuals who have suffered financial loss as a result of corporate fraud, defective consumer products, and environmental pollution. The firm holds Martindale-Hubbell's highest rating and is recognized in the List of Preeminent Law Firms in the U. S. Press here for a free consultation.Press here to return to The Articles Page.Press here to return to The Consumer Law Page.Press here to return to Alexander Hawes, LLP Homepage."The Consumer Law
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